Michael D. Tanner is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, heading research into a variety of domestic policies with particular emphasis on health care reform, welfare policy, and Social Security. His most recent white paper, "Bad Medicine: A Guide to the Real Costs and Consequences of the New Health Care Law," provides a detailed examination of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) and what it means to taxpayers, workers, physicians, and patients.
Young people are unlikely to respond to Republicans as long as the party resembles a cross between their curmudgeonly grandfather and the preacher from Footloose.
The Ryan budget provides a view of Republican priorities and their vision for how to increase economic growth, reform entitlements, and balance the budget. While timid and imperfect, Ryan’s plan shows that Republicans are at least looking in the right direction.
Fans of the "reform" cheered this week's news reports suggesting that ObamaCare will be less expensive than originally feared. But those news reports were wrong.
While congressional Republicans have been reduced to taking symbolic repeal votes, and Mitt Romney struggles to determine whether or not the individual mandate is a tax, governors — and state legislators — have become the real heroes of the fight against Obamacare.
By striking down part of the law that required states to expand their Medicaid programs, the court tossed a very hot potato into the laps of state lawmakers everywhere.
The court, or at least Chief Justice John Roberts, took the somewhat cynical (or maybe reasonable) view that what politicians say is pretty much meaningless.
Instead of increasing government spending in hopes of stimulating the economy, as Krugman has urged, the Estonians rejected Keynesianism in favor of genuine austerity.
But a much bigger question is: Why is the private sector doing so poorly? Perhaps because most businessmen are not that dumb.
The latest Club for Growth scorecard suggests that, on the whole, Republicans in this congress have actually been less fiscally responsible than those in past congresses.
Given Europe’s continued slow growth, Professor Krugman might have an argument to make — if there actually had been any austerity in Europe over the last two years.
Cato Senior Fellow Michael Tanner demonstrates that actual investment returns over the past 40 years show that a system of private investment will, in fact, provide significantly higher rates of return than the current Social Security system.
Governor Christie also noted, this implicitly tells people, “stop dreaming, stop striving.” We demonize those who do succeed, damning them as part of the evil “1 percent.”
There are currently 126 separate federal government programs designed to fight poverty and poverty is now at the highest level in nearly a decade.
Deconstructing one of President Obama’s speeches can be a bit like taking a trip to an alternate universe.
There is nothing really unprecedented about the Court striking down legislation that it finds outside of constitutional bounds. Between 1803 and 2002, the Supreme Court struck down as many as 1,315 laws on constitutional grounds.
As one listens to the Obama administration and others defend the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (a.k.a Obamacare), their attitude seems to be that, of course Obamacare is constitutional because, well, because it’s important.
Most observers now feel that there’s a real possibility that the high court may strike down at least the law’s individual mandate; if it does, there’s an excellent chance it will strike down the entire ObamaCare law, exchanges and all.
The U.S. government is about to exceed its statutory debt limit again before 2013. But that actually underestimates the size of the fiscal time bomb that this country is facing.
This case isn't really about health-care reform. Rather, it's about government power and the fundamental relationship between government and the people.
Two years in, we can see that Obamacare is a failure even as defined on it's own terms.